Is South Africa becoming a very cold place? A spectre is haunting the country – much like the violent rise of the working class movement described in 1847 by Karl Marx in a pamphlet entitled the “Communist Manifesto.” For six days, from 10 August 2012, the working class effectively stalled mine operations at the Lonmin Platinum mine inMarikana, North West of the country. The impasse culminated in a deadly violence on Thursday 16 August 2012, when police attempted to disperse armed workers who had gathered on a hill nearby. An orgy of violence had already claimed 10 lives in the first two days. The victims were 6 Lonmin workers, two private security personnel and 2 policemen from the South African Police Services (SAPS), all allegedly killed by the angry mine workers. On 15 August, unverified reports say police tried to negotiate a truce with the striking miners, who were armed with pangas, spears and pistols. The hardening of positions became evident, the next day, after Lonmin management instructed the nearly 3000 striking Rock Drill Operators to return to work by their next shift, on Friday 17 August, or face dismissal. Police officials echoed the mine management and also ordered the striking miners to leave the mine or face an assault by security forces. According to police spokesperson, Dennis Adriao, 16 August was D Day; and Death Day it became. In the glare of television cameras, the country experienced one of the worst public protest violence since the end of apartheid, second to the 2006 security guard strike that left about 50 dead over a three-month period. National Police Commissioner, General Riah Phiyeka, confirmed that 34 rock drillers, affiliated to the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (Amcu), were gunned down and 78 were wounded. Another 259 miners were arrested. President Jacob Zuma, who was in neighboring Mozambique for Southern Africa Development Corporation (SADC) Summit, cut short his trip and returned to South Africa. In Marikana, he told a gathering of striking mine workers and the families of the deceased that he would establish of a commission of inquiry “to uncover the truth about what happened”. True to his word, on the 23rd of August 2012, President Zuma announced the Commissioners and the terms of reference of the Commission. In a nutshell, the commission would look into a range of matters, including but not limited to the following: 1. An examination of Lonmin policies generally, including the procedure, practices and conduct relating to its employees and organised labour. Lonmin mine employs about 28 000 workers in its SA operation and is the 3rd largest Platinum Group of Metals (PGM) producer worldwide. It is listed on both the London Stock Exchange, and the Johannesburg Stock Exchange. The company is a major contributor to the SA economy. 2. Probe the conduct of the South African Police Service. Statistics compiled by a Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR) in 2011 showed that the police were becoming more brutal by the day, with civil cases against them pushing the contingent liability budget to a whopping R7.5 billion in 2010. 3. Probe the conduct of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) and the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union, (AMCU), their members and officials. It is claimed that rivalry between factional unions resulted in the loss of 10 lives in the week leading to August 17 clashes with police, in which 34 miners were killed and 78 others injured. 4. Consider the role played by the Department of Mineral Resources or any other government department or agency in relation to the incidents and whether this was appropriate in the circumstances, and consistent with their duties and obligations according to law. The nation awaits the outcome of the Judicial Commission, which has been criticised, cautiously appraised and hailed by scores of civil society groups and individuals; while President Zuma has suggested a sinister motive behind the shootings, and said he did not expect such incidents in a country with a “high level” of labour organisation. “We have a Constitution with a Bill of Rights, which incorporates labour rights as well as freedom of association and expression,” President Zuma has maintained, adding that “Clause 17 of the Constitution of the Republic enshrines the right to everyone; to peacefully and unarmed, assemble, demonstrate, picket and to present petitions and that the ANC had fought for these rights”. Yet the question that begs an urgent answer is whether there exists an alternative to the current relationship between those that sell their labour for survival and the system of capital that manifests itself to workers through employers? Are the current employment and equity provisions provided in the Basic Conditions of Employment Act of 1997 in order to give effect to the right to fair labour practices referred to in the Constitution of the Republic enough to ensure the country does not experience another senseless and violent confrontation between the working class and employers?
According to police spokesperson, Dennis Adriao, 16 August was D Day; and Death Day it became.
As the anti-capitalist movement grew around the world, South Africa could not avoid this spectre, or ghost of communism. The initially ‘whites only’ Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA), the precursor to the South Africa Communist Party (SACP) was formed in 1921. It was the first Leninist/Marxist party to be formed in Africa. A year later, the country was caught up in a bloody confrontation between the government and the mining community on one hand and ‘white’ mine workers on the other. The event, often referred to as the Rand Revolt or sometimes known as the Red Revolt was the most violent, armed anti-boss protest by white mine workers in South Africa. Ironically, it was also an anti-black protest. ‘White’ mine workers opposed the idea that ‘black’ miners could occupy certain positions which they deemed reserved only for ‘white’ workers. A class division of labour had developed in the mining sector, whereby the skilled jobs were performed by ‘whites’, while unskilled, and hence poorly paid, labour had become associated with non-white labourers. By with-drawing their labour, white mineworkers were intent on putting pressure on both mining companies and the state to move away from the policy cutting labour costs by employing non-whites in positions that had been traditionally reserved for them. In February 1922, the long-drawn-out negotiations with the South African Industrial Federation broke down and deadly violence began. The Star newspaper reported about groups of white men shooting and bludgeoning any Africans and coloured men they met ‘as though they were on a rat hunt.’ A general strike was officially declared on 6 March and two days later, the strike turned into open revolution in an effort to take over the city. Records point to a government’s response that was worse than what was witnessed at Lonmin mine. The Union Defence Force was brought to the scene, as well as the aircraft of the South African Air Force (SAAF) and the Artillery Unit. Aircraft bombed the protesting miners. About 200 people were killed – including many policemen, and more than 1,000 people were injured. Fifteen thousand men lost their jobs and gold production suffered significantly. In light of the August events at Lonmin mine in Marikana – could it be that history is repeating itself in SA? Poor labour relations define mining in South Africa, while the taxpayer and communities who reside near mining areas have borne the brunt of increased costs to the environment and water pollution. Clearly, the tragedy in Marikana was for a longtime expected – not just at Lonmin but throughout the mining sector in South Africa. And as was during the Rand Revolt, the issues are structural and societal, with very little to do with the person of President Zuma as some critics have suggested. Tula Dlamini is a Senior Researcher at the SABC.
– By COMMENT: Tula Dlamini
